Work and wagesHistorical study2015

The franc in 2015: from exchange rates to industrial choices

On 15 January 2015, the Swiss National Bank abandoned its floor of CHF 1.20 per euro. This 2026 study examines transmission to production and a central social question: why should work absorb monetary risk first?

Period studied
2015
Published
Document or event
The franc in 2015: from exchange rates to industrial choicesHTML · English
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Foreign-currency sales · Imported input costs · Franc-denominated costs · Prices and margins · Employment choices
Exchange-rate exposure depends on revenues and costs; several decisions intervene before it affects employment.

What the SNB decided

The 15 January release combined ending the floor with a −0.75% interest rate on relevant sight deposits above an exemption threshold. It also retained possible foreign-exchange intervention. The decision neither maintained a conversion guarantee nor ended every monetary action. The announced rate did not describe every company’s or household’s borrowing rate either.

On 24 April 2015, Thomas Jordan explained that defending the floor would have required permanent interventions of rapidly growing size. This subsequent explanation belongs to the SNB’s assessment of its policy conditions. Separating it from social effects makes the choice understandable without treating the monetary justification as a complete answer to employment protection.

Exporters do not share one exposure

Exchange rates first affect revenues and costs. At an unchanged euro price, a sale yields fewer francs when the franc appreciates. If most expenditure remains in francs, margins are squeezed. Raising the euro price may preserve the margin but raises questions about customer reactions and competition.

A firm also purchasing components in that currency faces a different situation. Conversion may reduce some costs. The share of purchases concerned and contract timing therefore matter. Financial hedging can postpone effects without indefinitely removing a productive activity’s exposure.

These are analytical cases about cost structures, rather than reconstructed accounts of observed firms. They explain why the same currency movement does not affect everyone identically. A company selling domestically may also face different import competition. Simply dividing exporters from the rest of the economy does not map exposure adequately.

Real difficulty does not impose a single response

Pressure on margins requires a distributional choice. It can temporarily be absorbed in earnings, passed into prices or addressed through purchasing and investment. It can also be shifted to employees through staffing, pay or required hours. These options are not equivalent for workers or future productive capacity.

Extending work without increasing pay, for example, reduces hourly remuneration. Showing only an unchanged monthly wage conceals that effect. This is an accounting mechanism, rather than a claim that every firm chose it in 2015. A serious study distinguishes possible responses from documented practices.

The capacity to wait matters too. A firm with liquidity can handle temporary difficulty differently from one facing immediate payment deadlines. Preserving cash by removing expertise that is difficult to rebuild may nevertheless create lasting costs. Industrial analysis should examine the decision horizon instead of treating every immediate spending reduction as improved performance.

Forecasts are not the annual outcome

The March 2015 Quarterly Bulletin presents an assessment based on information available on 19 March, with conditional forecasts. It records what the SNB then anticipated, rather than an annual result already known. The distinction prevents a history in which actors knew all consequences in January.

The same document describes the price-stability mandate while taking economic developments into account. This monetary framework is not a detailed programme for retaining industrial sites. Instruments and responsibilities differ. Recognising the distinction does not exempt the central bank from understandable accountability; it requires clear responsibilities for companies, social partners and public authorities.

The sources used here do not isolate a number of jobs attributable solely to ending the floor. Such measurement would require comparisons of trajectories and demand, productivity and specialisation. An overall employment movement cannot establish one direct cause. The absence of that numerical attribution does not remove risks faced by affected workers.

Industrial responsibility in the PCP’s 2026 assessment

For the PCP, looking back at 2015 chiefly raises the distribution of risk. Employees did not choose the firm’s currency exposure and should not become the automatic adjustment mechanism. Before measures worsening their position, other options, company resources and long-term objectives should be discussed openly.

A public response can seek to preserve skills and productive capacity during temporary difficulty. The PCP supports that approach where collective benefit and commitments concerning employment, training and capacity are identifiable. Support should not fund a private decision without obligations while benefits remain private and risk becomes collective.

Finally, cushioning a shock differs from permanently guaranteeing every business model. The public can defend productive expertise without freezing every existing organisation. Transformation should be discussable with workers and affected regions. The social lesson of 2015 is therefore practical: between a currency movement and a job being removed, make decisions, alternatives and the distribution of costs visible.

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